Stc Five Forces Model and Competitive Advantage Essay Example For Students

Stc Five Forces Model and Competitive Advantage Essay Rivalry Among Competitors In 2005 Saudi Arabia became a member of WTO and opened up the Saudi Telecommunications market to foreign competitors. The Saudi Arabian Telecommunication market has become increasingly competitive. In addition to competing on prices all the major competitors are striving to offer differentiated products and services aimed at increasing their market shares. The competition is apparent in the decline in STC’s income despite higher revenues. Table 1 – Level of Competition (2008)| | | | | | | | | | | | | | Â  | Local services| Domestic fixed long dist| Inter-national fixed long dist| Wireless local loop| Data| DSL| Cable modem| VSAT| Leased lines| Fixed Wireless Broadband| | Â  | C| C| C| C| C| C| | C| C| C| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Â  | Mobile| Paging| Cable TV| Fixed sat| Mobile sat| GMPCS| IMT 2000| Internet services| Inter-national gateways| | Â  | C| Â  | | C| C| C| C| C| C| | It is also noteworthy that Saudi Arabia is one of the thr ee countries in the region which has reached a status of full competition according to ITU across all telecommunication fields, the other two being Jordan and Bahrain. We will write a custom essay on Stc Five Forces Model and Competitive Advantage specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now As such it is clear that the Rivalry among competitors is high and thus keeps the prices down and requires for all rival in the market to come up with innovative and differentiated ways to attract customers. Threat of New Entrants The growth in Telecommunications globally has many factors one of which makes the threat of new entrants high. Which the shift is from wired to wireless services has made it possible for many entrants to come in. However the market currently seems saturated. The number of fixed telephone lines has been particularly stable and risen only 0. 2 % CAGR over the last five year from 16. 2 per 100 inhabitants to 16. 22. Mobile phone subscriptions in Saudi Arabia are overwhelming at 174. 43 per 100 inhabitants (Note that mobile phone users in different from mobile phone subscriptions) with a growth rate of 37. 4 % CAGR from 2004 to 2009 (140 per 100 inhabitants for digital mobile phone subscriptions). However internet is still unsaturated with only 7. 32 subscripti ons and 38. 10 users in each 100 inhabitants. Hence where the saturation in mobile communication keep the threat of new entrants low however the extremely low penetration in Internet services leaves the threat of entrants very high. However in internet and broadband the threat of entrants is high especially with the advent of WiMax technology. Overall the threat of entrants in the Saudi Telecom market as of 2009 can be considered moderate. The threat of entrants force is not considered major and is not pulling down prices and driving the competitiveness of the mobile sector in Saudi Arabia any longer where as it was the major force from 2005 to 2007. However STC providing best services with lowest rates for Internet Services is a proof of high threat of entrant in the Internet sector. Threat of Substitutes The threat of substitutes is also very high. It is a contributing factor in keeping prices low and competitiveness high in the Saudi Telecom industry. With VoIP services users can make virtually free calls. Such services are allowed in Saudi Arabia over private networks and otherwise (ITU). Many alternative solutions keep on popping up on the scene and challenging the traditional communication channels. Once the benefits of such services are well known and information flow is faster it has a high power of challenging all major players in the market. In addition to that such services are becoming increasingly innovative and have started to offer amazing quality. .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27 , .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27 .postImageUrl , .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27 , .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27:hover , .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27:visited , .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27:active { border:0!important; } .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27:active , .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27 .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u79c10dba7d8cd9831e30177cc37e7c27:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Conventional surveying methods EssaySatellite phones can either be considered a competitor or substitute. However for our discussion it is considered a substitute which has a possibility of threatening the mobile phone market if innovation leads to more functionality in Satellite phone handsets with probable introduction of satellite internet. Overall the force of threat of substitutes has high impact on the Saudi telecommunications market competitive scenario. Power of Buyers Approximately 59. 4 % of the Saudi population is between 15 to 64, with a per capita GDP of $ 21,300. Customers tend to demand products that are high in quality and reasonably priced. The shifting costs are negligible to zero as such the power of buyers is moderate to high. The evidence shows that the prices have been driven down as such it is obvious that the Power of buyer has been and remains high. Power of Suppliers Network Equipment Providers (NEPs) are companies that provide communication solutions to Service Providers like fixed or mobile operators as well as to Enterprise customers. If you place a call on your mobile phone, surf the internet, join a conference call or watch a video on demand through IPTV (internet protocol TV) – it is all NEPs technologies that are enabling such kind of services. The key players per type of customer segment are Service Providers; Alcatel-Lucent, Ericsson, Huawei, Juniper, NEC, Nokia-Siemens, Nortel, ZTE, Emerson Network Power and Enterprise Sector Providers; Avaya, Cisco, Motorola, Siemens Enterprise Communications Consolidation among communication service providers due to convergence leads to greater dependence on a few large clients of suppliers, which means lower bargaining strength of suppliers. Due to pressures on their profitability, service providers are increasingly looking at lowering their operating costs and capital expenditures (lowering cost per subscriber), and this is putting pressures on NEPs margins. Switch from PSTN to Next-Generation Network and increasing use of standardized network components (COTS) compared to more proprietary equipments is continuously reducing the bargaining power of suppliers. Also software is to increasingly replace traditional network components. Overall the Power of suppliers is low in the Global telecommunication market as such the same impact is exhibited in Saudi Arabia. Reources Capabilities FORWARD strategy International Expansion Mobile Network Coverage – 92 % Introduction and ability to cater to VIP and Business sector Niche Penetration with low prices (Loyal Customers) Good Distribution Network High Market Capitalization Good Capital Base Core Competencies Catering to VIP and Business Sector Niche leads to strong small market niche of high paying and loyal customers High Market Capitalization and Capital Base eads to ability to drop prices High Mobile Network Coverage and ability to use multiple distribution channels leads to ability to cover more customers and penetrate deeper Competitive Advantage All three Core Competencies are basis First mover advantages that together form the Competitive Advantage. This passes the Competitive Advantage Test of being Relevant or Appropriate, Non Imitable, Non Substitutab le, Durable and provides Competitive Superiority. This Competitive Advantage is the First Mover Advantage creating strong base and ability to compete through both price and differentiation.

Corporate Ethics, a Business Asset

Corporate Ethics, a Business Asset 1.Corporate Ethics, a Business AssetEthics in the corporate world is a key concept that has gained importance, more so in the recent years, possibly due to the very publicized and prominent scandals of 2002 concerning Enron, Aurther Anderson, and snowballed effect to another scandal of WorldCom.It created more awareness among the stakeholders which is making ethics harder and harder to ignore. The noise on Ethics in the corporate world has gained a key place not only due to the Bad guys, also due to Good guys, one such company who has been at the top of the list on the fortune 500 is GE. Other companies being Starbucks, Johnson and Johnson, Southwest2. Ethics:2.1 What is Ethics? ;-A system of moral principles or values-Rules or standards governing the conduct of members of a profession-A matter of developing good habits-Standards of conductOrOne of those things that we conveniently forget when faced with tough choices!!2.2ConceptsCorporation Street, Birmingham - Temple Pointof Ethics :Very Briefly:Relativism: believes in morality being relative. Under the descriptive doctrine it claims that different cultures have different moral values, under the normative doctrine it claims each culture is right in itself.Egoism: under the normative doctrine, believes one ought to act in maximizing benefit for ones self.Utilitarianism: is about good consequences, looks for maximum benefit. Ends justify the means. Corporations can sometimes end up looking at the bottom-line a little too closely being morally bound to the shareholders and use means which could prove to be disastrousDeontologism: believes that the right action is independent of consequences. Actions which are duty bound, keeping aside personal gain.Moral=YesImmoral=NoBuilds security, trust. E.g. corporation values, code of business ethics, Corporate Social responsibility, corporate citizenship.3. Corporate Ethics:A system of morals and values applied in the business world providing guidelines of acceptable behavi or stated by the organizations...

The Pythagorean Theorem Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3500 words

The Pythagorean Theorem - Essay Example The area of such a rectangle is a times b: ab. Therefore the four triangles together are equal to two such rectangles. Their area is 2ab. As for the square whose side is c, its area is simply c. Therefore, the area of the entire square is c + 2ab . . . . . .(1) At the same time, an equal square with side a + b (Fig. 2) is made up of a square whose side is a, a square whose side is b, and two rectangles whose sides are a, b. Therefore the area of that square is a + b + 2ab But this is equal to the square formed by the triangles, line(1): a + b + 2ab = c + 2ab. Therefore, on subtracting the two rectangles -- 2ab -- from each square, we are left with a + b = c. This is the Pythagorean Theorem Proof using similar triangles The Pythagorean theorem, is based on the proportionality of the sides of two similar triangles. Let ABC represent a right triangle, with the right angle located at C, as shown on the figure. We draw the altitude from point C, and call H its intersection with the side AB. The new triangle ACH is similar to our triangle ABC, because they both have a right angle (by definition of the altitude), and they share the angle at A, meaning that the third angle will be the same in both triangles as well. By a similar reasoning, the triangle CBH is also similar to ABC. The similarities lead to the two ratios..: As so These can be written as Summing these two equalities, we obtain In other words, the Pythagorean theorem: The Arabian mathematician Thabit ibn Kurrah A clever proof by dissection which reassembles two small squares into one larger one was given by the Arabian mathematician Thabit ibn Kurrah (Ogilvy 1994, Frederickson 1997). Proof by Perigal Another proof by dissection is due to Perigal (left...Therefore the four triangles together are equal to two such rectangles. Their area is 2ab. At the same time, an equal square with side a + b (Fig. 2) is made up of a square whose side is a, a square whose side is b, and two rectangles whose sides are a, b. Therefore the area of that square is Let ABC represent a right triangle, with the right angle located at C, as shown on the figure. We draw the altitude from point C, and call H its intersection with the side AB. The new triangle ACH is similar to our triangle ABC, because they both have a right angle (by definition of the altitude), and they share the angle at A, meaning that the third angle will be the same in both triangles as well. By a similar reasoning, the triangle CBH is also similar to ABC. The similarities lead to the two ratios..: As Another proof by dissection is due to Perigal (left figure; Pergial 1873; Dudeney 1970; Madachy 1979; Steinhaus 1999, pp. 4-5; Ball and Coxeter 1987). A related proof is accomplished using the above figure at right, in which the area of the large square is four times the area of one of the triangles plus the area of the interior square. From the figure d=b-a, so Perhaps the most famous proof of all times is Euclid's geometric proof , although it is neither the simplest nor the most obvious.

Consumer Behavior TrendsCocooning Research Paper

Consumer Behavior TrendsCocooning - Research Paper Example Cocooning is an interesting practice which implies a certain accepted belief set with respect to what will become of the overall economy. Likewise, the level of economic optimism displayed by this group is invariably quite low (Sexton 2011). In short, those that practice cocooning are intent on building/fortifying their own interests/needs against the backdrop of an increasingly uncertain economic reality. These consumers cannot be easily defined as they incorporate elements of TEOTWAWKI (The end of the world as we know it), survivalism, conservationism, and a pervasive element of fear for future stability. It is this fear, more than any other factor, which defines the behaviors and actions of consumers as will be discussed in this analysis. As such, this brief analysis will review the product many different product offerings of freeze dried food and other long-term food storage items. This type of activity, although still considered fringe, is gaining more and more popularity due to the uncertain outcome of the current financial crisis and the fear by many individuals that the situation will only become more and more desperate as time goes on. This belief is further compounded by a growing group of individuals who have developed a worldview that is defined by the belief that the complete and total collapse of the global economy is imminent. Although there have always been elements of survivalism and fear of a coming global apocalypse, the size and scope of such activities has verifiably increased over the past few years to encompass a much larger demographic than was previously associated with such cocooning activities as this. Individuals, spurred on by aggressive marketing campaigns in alternative media outlets1, are actively seeking to stockpile not only food but other necessary supplies that they believe will insulate them in some way from the coming/imminent collapse. This behavior is unique due

Applied Modelling and Data Analysis Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3500 words

Applied Modelling and Data Analysis - Essay Example The aim of this project is therefore to analyse the behaviour of the share price of a given company by finding the relationship between share price inflation and other key market determinants and variables such as market index and Treasury bill interest rate. This means that share price of the company is the dependent variable for the study, while market index and Treasury bill interest rate are the independent variables for the study. The study is conducted with the approach of performing time series that checks for stationarity by applying the formal unit root tests of Augmented Dickey-Fuller (ADF) test. To get a better understanding of the relationship between the dependent variable and independent variables, the researcher will take a step further to estimate time series dynamics through the use of the GARCH family models. Because shares are traded with their derivatives, there is a common discussion in literature of the impact of the introduction of derivatives on volatility. Th rough the GARCH model, the effect of derivatives on the underlying market will also be determined. In pursuant to the achievement of the aim of the study discussed above, the researcher conducted a research that was based on both theoretical background and empirical evidence. The theoretical background of the research was performed mainly by the use of a brief literature review, which forms the second component of the study’s report. Under the literature review, the findings of major studies on stock price behaviour are critiqued by comparing different schools of thoughts against each other. This makes it possible to give the rationale behind various findings from literature. The third component of the study is the econometric methodology, where the researcher presented a detailed analysis of the methodology adopted for the study. Under this section, the market fraction hypothesis and how it was used to test the stationarity of the

Role Of Climate In The Classic Maya Collapse History Essay

Role Of Climate In The Classic Maya Collapse History Essay In this paper, the impacts of climate change on the Maya will be examined. It is likely that a number of factors combined to produce the collapse for which the civilisation is well known. With this in mind, the extent to which climate itself played a role will be particularly looked into. Defining the Collapse Before the role of climate can be looked into, it first needs to be established what the Maya collapse actually was. Popular media has often portrayed the collapse as something that happened simultaneously across the Mayan region, resulting in the abrupt and complete destruction of the entire Mayan civilisation. However this was not the case. The collapse mainly refers to the drastic decline of the cities of the southern Maya Lowlands. Many of these cities had been extremely powerful in the Classic period (AD 250-900), the so called pinnacle of Mayan civilisation, and had dominated the entire Maya region (Sharer and Traxler 2006: 287). It is the fall of these city states that defines the Terminal Classic (AD 790-900), but this period also saw many sites, particularly in the north and east, continue to flourish and in some cases even grow, supporting large populations into the Postclassic (AD 900- c.1542) long after the collapse. Sharer and Traxler therefore define the collapse as a p rocess of transformation that saw the end of Classic states and the rise of new states that dominated the Postclassic period (2006: 503). Identifying the Collapse It has been seen that the collapse of Classic Maya sites was focussed within the southern Maya Lowlands, but what were the changes in the archaeological record that signal collapse in this region? A major factor suggesting collapse was the decrease in the number of carved stone stelae and altars dedicated over the course of the 9th century, with the last known dated stela having been erected at Tonina in AD 909. The cessation of erecting monuments varied between sites, with inscribed stelae ceasing at Dos Pilas as early as AD 760 and Tikal at AD 889, suggesting that the collapse was not a sudden, simultaneous event, but was an ongoing process that affected different cities at different times; although ultimately the outcome was the same (Chase and Chase 2006: 169). Drastic depopulation of the region is also identifiable. This can be seen in a decline of domestic activity in palaces and common houses alike. The cities of Tikal, Calakmul, Copan and Palenque, among others, had reached peak population in the Late Classic and so their subsequent decline is particularly noticeable (Sharer and Traxler 2006: 500). There have been various estimates as to the maximum population of the southern and central Lowlands during the Classic period, ranging from 3 to 14 million people, but it is seemingly agreed that this had dropped to around only 1 million by the start of the Postclassic. This suggests a depopulation rate in the range of 53-90%, a level unprecedented prior to European arrival in the New World (Gill 2000: 351). So although limited to the Maya Lowlands, the collapse was a significant event, leaving once powerful cities deserted within the space of 150 years. What made the Mayan civilisation different from others that suffered a drastic collapse was that it was not a single, unified society, but was instead a collection of individual city states and their hinterlands, each controlled by a king. This would seem to suggest that there must have been external pressures that, at the very least, triggered and compounded existing problems within these city states, rather than internal problems that somehow all resulted in collapse. So what had caused these once great cities to be abandoned? Causes of the Collapse Many different arguments have been put forward to explain the Maya collapse. In the past a single cause had been sought, and natural disasters such as earthquakes or hurricanes were considered. It is now generally agreed however, that there was likely no single cause, but an interplay of factors (McNeil et al. 2010: 1017). For the purpose of this paper however I shall focus on drought and warfare, which are two of the most commonly debated theories. Drought Fluctuation in rainfall was common to the Maya area and there was precedent for drought, although evidence suggests that the Classic droughts lasted longer and were more intense than any previously experienced by the Maya (Gill et al. 2007). Lake sediment cores from Lake Chichancanab in the Eastern Yucatan Peninsula show that there was a period of drought lasting around 150-200 years, with three peak phases of severe drought within this. This is supported by evidence from marine sediments of the Cariaco Basin off the coast of Venezuela, which show that, in this particular region, the drought lasted from AD 760-930. Four periods of intense drought are identifiable from these samples, centring on the years AD760, 810, 860 and 910 (Gill et al. 2007). The correlation between the periods of severe drought and the collapse of Classic Maya civilisation in the Lowlands, surely suggests it had a critical impact on those polities, such as Tikal, Calakmul, Naranjo and Palenque, that were not we ll served by rivers. Lucero suggests that the Classic Maya elite based their power on the control of water. Many of the regional centres of the Maya Lowlands did not have access to natural water sources and relied on artificial reservoirs which were under the control of the rulers. As a result they were dependent on seasonal rainfall for water, and Maya royalty would have also used their special connections to the gods, specifically Chac the rain god, to guarantee enough water through rituals and ceremonies. It was upon this basis that Maya rulers exacted tribute and labour from their subjects (Lucero 2002). Decreasing rainfall and long term drought would have undermined the foundation on which the Mayan elite drew their power, resulting in political collapse. The diminishing power of the elite can be seen archaeologically through a reduction in the manufacture and distribution of prestige and ritual goods at many centres during the Terminal Classic (Sharer and Traxler 2006: 499-500). The production of p olychrome pottery and ornately carved items of jade, wood, bone and shell, was controlled by the elite and used to reinforce status (Demarest 2004: 213). The increasing absence of such items in the archaeological record therefore suggests rulers no longer had the same level of support from their subjects. Their power was waning, as also reflected in fewer dynastic stelae, used to legitimise power, and the end of monumental construction projects such as ball courts, temples and causeways. The decline of the elite and, as a result, centralised political organisation was a major feature of the Mayan collapse. It is Luceros argument that drought was the main reason behind this. It was only able to inflict such damaging change because water control was inherent to the institution of Kingship within Mayan society. Drought would have also had the obvious consequences of a lack of drinking water and severe decrease in agricultural production. Warfare Conversely it has also been suggested that rather than drought, it was endemic warfare and competition amongst the various city states that led to the weaker polities being overpowered, causing the breakdown of dynastic power in these defeated polities. The cities of the Petexbatun region of present day Guatemala, in particular, are argued to have collapsed while trapped in a state of siege and fortification warfare (Demarest et al. 1997). This constant state of war is believed to have destabilised the political and economic structures, resulting in political devolution and eventual failure in the early 9th century. Interestingly the Petexbatun region had good river access, making it unlikely that drought was a major factor in the collapse of this area (Sharer and Traxler 2006: 515-17). It is on this basis that Demarest disputes an ecological model, pointing out that political disintegration had already begun in the Petexbatun by the time drought occurred, the last inscription at the earliest known city to fall, Dos Pilas, dated to AD760 (Demarest cited in McKillop 2004: 99). Zooarchaeological evidence from this region also suggests there was no danger of famine, or nutritional stress through protein deficiency, in the Classic or Terminal Classic (Emery cited in Demarest 2006: 105). The violence prevalent in this region was seemingly independent of an environmental impetus. Common Ground? There is a convincing amount of evidence in support of each of both drought and warfare, suggesting that they both likely played some role. The nature of Maya society however, being a collection of city states, means that evidence of warfare in one region, for instance, does not necessarily mean that it can be inferred elsewhere. As mentioned, it was in the cities of the Petexbatun where evidence shows endemic violence caused the abandonment of the region. It has often been the mistake to imply that this then must surely have been the cause for collapse across the entire Maya lowlands, or at least present in a wider area, but the evidence does not support this. The same goes for drought. Although this may have been noticeable over much of the Maya lowlands, the affects were surely most closely felt by those cities without access to natural water sources and dependent on rainfall for agriculture. Instead the evidence appears to suggest that different regions likely had a different trigger cause or combination of causes (Sharer and Traxler 2006: 514). It seems hard to believe that such catastrophic events could have occurred within a similar timeframe, yet independently of each other, but have the same result. This does suggest however that Mayan civilisation had reached a point where it was extremely vulnerable to the slightest variation, with location playing a large part in deciding the factor that would tip a particular city over the edge, towards collapse. Manmade or Natural Occurrence? Drought appears to have played a relatively large, although joint, role in the collapse of the Classic Mayan civilisation. But was this environmental change anthropogenic or a natural occurrence? The answer to this relates closely to the argument over the level of deforestation carried out by the Maya. It has long been argued by many of those supporting the theory that drought was at least in part responsible for the Maya collapse, that the Maya themselves were to blame for the environmental degradation, due to deforestation. Shaw believes that the varying fate of the different city states during the Terminal Classic was a result of the level of deforestation in their particular region. She argues that, as deforestation raises temperatures and decreases evapotranspiration at a local or regional level only, the varying extent of tree removal explains the irregularity that the North and East of the Yucatan Peninsula continued to support a thriving population, while the heartland collapsed under severe drought (Shaw 2003). Studies into 20th century droughts in the United States and Mexico, however, show that over large areas they are hardly ever uniform, and so it is actually normal for certain areas to be affected more, or less at different times (Gill et al. 2007: 287). This provide s another explanation for the asymmetrical effects of drought in the Maya area, disputing the idea that deforestation was responsible for the irregularities. The Maya would have cleared sections of forest to make room for farming and agriculture. Wood was also used as domestic fuel, and was needed for the high temperature fires used to make lime mortar from limestone, a key component in Maya construction (Demarest 2004: 145). That the Maya made use of their forest environment is therefore known, but it is Shaws argument that they exploited it through conscious overuse (Shaw 2003). Diamond is another advocate of the deforestation model as a cause of collapse, arguing that deforestation would have made the soil much less fertile at a time when more agricultural land was needed, due to population pressure. He also agrees with Shaw that another of the consequences would have been manmade drought, and he uses the example of Copan, in present day Honduras, in particular (Diamond 2005: 168-70). That deforestation was widespread, and a human induced cause of drought, is a plausible theory, and in Copan, is supported by a core sample from Petapilla Swamp, a peat bog 4.5km north of the city itself (Rue 1987). Pollen retrieved from the core showed a much lower representation of tropical and deciduous forest trees than previously known, and less variation in the palynoflora. The cores showed no suggestion of significant climatic change from the palynological evidence, and led Rue to conclude that the vegetational changes were human induced through deforestation, with increased activity in the Late Classic (Rue 1987). New evidence has recently been put forward however, that disputes deforestation as the cause of environmental degradation. This new research particularly focuses on the polity of Copan where, as touched on above, it had previously been asserted that by AD800, not a single tree remained from the deciduous, or pine forest on the slope above the city (Abrams and Rue 1988, Diamond 2005: 169). McNeill et al. argue that Rues Petapilla Swamp core, upon which much of the deforestation theory has been based, only dates back to AD1010 with its oldest sediment, 100 years after Copans collapse (2010). Therefore it could not possibly have bearing on the Classic period population and their affect on the environment. The new data comes from another core from the same swamp, of which the earliest sediments this time date to 900-790 cal BC, providing data over a much longer range. It provided an interesting pollen profile, with the most pronounced deforestation apparent at the earliest stage of 900-7 90BC, with another later surge in the 5th century AD. Very much in contrast to the earlier core, it also shows an increase in arboreal pollen in the Late Classic, particularly that of pine. This data allowed McNeill et al. to surmise that: At the close of the citys Classic period, the hills above Copan were more densely forested than when the Maya first built their polity centre. (2010: 1021) This therefore suggests that rather than destroying their environment, the Maya were actually managing and cultivating it. Even though Copan was situated on a river, it received much less rainfall than other river centres at around 130 centimetres a year; so was likely at the mercy of changing rainfall patterns and drought. But if drought in this region was not caused by deforestation as the latest evidence suggests, then climate change was likely behind it. Palaeoclimatic records from North America, Europe and the Arctic indicate that the 9th and 10th centuries AD were as cold as during the Little Ice Age. Tree rings from the White Mountains of California show a steep decline in temperatures from AD790-950 and glacial advances in Alaska have been dated to AD700-900. In Sweden also, a number of glacial advances are known from this period, dated to AD800-910 (Gill 2000: 287-88, 385). Severe cold in the Northern Hemisphere can indicate a south-westward displacement of the North Atlantic High and a southward shift of the Inter-Tropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) which would have caused summer rains to fail in the Maya Lowlands. The failure of the ITCZ to move north in the summer at this time, is evidenced by a drop in sea surface salinity in a marine sediment core from the north-eastern Caribbean, coinciding with the period of collapse (AD 760-930) (Gill et al. 2007). As a result, all this evidence points to the climatic conditions as having been conducive of drought at the time of the Maya collapse. Avoidable Climate Change? It seems apparent that climate change was responsible for the drought that affected much of the Maya Lowlands. In some places this may have been exacerbated by deforestation, but on the whole it seems more likely that it was not anthropogenic. As discussed previously, drought was one of the main factors to influence and perhaps even trigger the Maya collapse in some regions. If the drought was not induced by human action or inaction, is it possible to learn from the mistakes of the Maya as Diamond asserts in his book? Diamond bases much, if not all, of his argument on the belief that the Maya had a choice, but their refusal to change led to their downfall. He more or less suggests that the Maya of Copan, which he uses as an example, stood back and watched as the last tree fell. But his argument is based on flawed evidence. This is easy to say with hindsight, in the light of recent publications, but he also ignored existing evidence, seemingly because it did not support his position. He comments: Maya kings sought to outdo each other with more and more impressive temples, covered with thicker and thicker plaster- reminiscent in turn of the extravagant conspicuous consumption by modern American CEOs. (Diamond 2005: 177) As previously mentioned, lime plaster required extreme heat to create and for this reason much wood was required in its production. If deforestation was causing problems for their society, which is now believed to be false in any case, then to continue to create vast quantities of plaster for nothing but aesthetic reasons would have been ignorant and stupid. This is seemingly what Diamond is suggesting, despite research published in 1996 that showed that sculptures dating to the Late Classic at Copan used much thinner layers of plaster than those of an earlier date. Implying the Maya were taking measures to prevent unnecessary tree loss (Fash and Fash 1996). Diamond focuses on the implications for our present society, which is a good reason for studying past collapse, but he seems to oversimplify the problems of the Maya. Under the heading The Maya Message he identifies the various strands that he believes led to the collapse, but in a way that makes it seem like they are a checklist to avoid if we do not want our present society to fail. He does not give the Maya any credit for having attempted to change their society in any way. But he would likely not have wished to do so; acknowledging that the Maya understood the precarious ecological situation they found themselves in and made attempts to counter this, but still failed, does not bode well for our current society, where short term benefit, at seemingly any cost, is most often preferred over long term solutions. Conclusion To come to the conclusion that the Maya did not shape their own downfall, in as much they did not create drought through deforestation, apparently leaves the almost equally unwelcoming alternative that borders on environmental determinism. This argument implies that the Lowlands were not conducive to complex and advanced civilisation; the Mayan cities were destined to collapse, it was an inevitable event that could only be put off not overcome. I feel there is, however, a middle ground between the two. I would agree that the drought was likely not the result of the Maya being irresponsible and overusing their natural resources. On the contrary it seems more likely that the Maya, at least at Copan, had become well adapted to their environment and were using it sustainably. They were at their peak florescence in the Classic period, when both environmental and climatic conditions were relatively constant. As a result of this stability though, they were increasingly becoming part of a ri gidity trap, mastering their environment of relatively low level, but predictable rainfall by growing water-efficient maize, and utilising reservoirs in order to build cities on fertile land far from a permanent water source. They had made themselves highly vulnerable to drought and in the terminal classic were faced with the worst droughts the region had seen for 7000 years. It was not the carrying capacity of the region however, but the nature of Mayan society that reduced their ability to change, as it must also be remembered that warfare was as important a cause of the collapse as drought in some regions. Although the Maya showed some adaptability at Copan in maintaining the forest, factors other than land use were much harder to change. Another society without a ruling system based on the control of water for example, would perhaps have fared better in the same circumstances, as drought would likely not have brought down their political system as easily. But this method of control was inherent to Mayan society, allowing for such things as monumental construction and the exacting of tribute. The Maya way of life had evolved to meet their circumstances and their environment, but in the end they had become fixed in these ways and were unable to modify their society enough when their situation changed. Even if the elite had foreseen drought and wished to change the basis of their power, it is unlikely they could have even done so without collapse remaining the end result; it was such a fundamental component of their society. It can therefore be seen that the Maya collapse was an extremely complex event that was the result of multiple factors, of which warfare and drought were dominant. In an attempt to focus more on the role of climate, I have neglected some of the other factors such as weakening economy through loss of trade and overpopulation among others, but have attempted to emphasize the multi faceted nature of the collapse in the hope of avoiding oversimplification. Climate change and the resulting drought played a large, albeit joint role in the collapse of the Lowland Classic Maya. A long period of relative stability had made the Maya culture fragile and inflexible, so that when faced by changes to this constancy, a precarious balance between the various elements of their society was revealed; ultimately they proved unsuccessful in maintaining this in a time of stress.

Vincent van Goghs Starry Night and Vincent’s Chair Essay -- Art Criti

Vincent van Gogh's Starry Night and Vincent’s Chair   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  One of the most famous Post-Impressionists was the Dutch artist, Vincent van Gogh. Van Gogh believed that art was a form of expression. Painting was an emotional and spiritual experience for him. He painted not only how he interpreted his surroundings, but his sensations and feelings on his subjects. One of his most famous paintings, Starry Night, is a perfect representation of this Post-Impressionistic style of painting.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  With its swirling colors and lines, Starry Night, incorporates not just the color and light that is found in the earlier works of these painters, but it shows how forms and feelings also came into play. "Waves and swirls" were applied so thickly in this piece that the paint itself cast shadows. His heavy brushstrokes and vivid colors portray the night sky as crazy and chaotic and the village below as peaceful and serene.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The historical significance of Starry Night mirrors the events taking place during this era of modernity. During this time, scientists, writers and artists were seeking nontraditional ways of thinking. While scientists were learning about humans and physics in ways that had not been used before, and philosophers were finding new theories of life, writers and artists were disregarding old ways of writing and painting, and pursuing new forms of expression. Van Gogh, like his contemporaries, was ignoring the old styles of painting realistic images; instead, as portr...